|
Prev
| Next
| Contents

CHAPTER NOTES
NOTE TO CHAPTER I.
Note A.---The Ranger or the Forest, that cuts the
foreclaws off our dogs.
A most sensible grievance of those aggrieved times were the
Forest Laws. These oppressive enactments were the produce of
the Norman Conquest, for the Saxon laws of the chase were
mild and humane; while those of William, enthusiastically attached
to the exercise and its rights, were to the last degree
tyrannical. The formation of the New Forest, bears evidence
to his passion for hunting, where he reduced many a happy village
to the condition of that one commemorated by my friend,
Mr William Stewart Rose:
``Amongst the ruins of the church
The midnight raven found a perch,
A melancholy place;
The ruthless Conqueror cast down,
Woe worth the deed, that little town,
To lengthen out his chase.''
The disabling dogs, which might be necessary for keeping
flocks and herds, from running at the deer, was called lawing,
and was in general use. The Charter of the Forest designed to
lessen those evils, declares that inquisition, or view, for lawing
dogs, shall be made every third year, and shall be then done by
the view and testimony of lawful men, not otherwise; and they
whose dogs shall be then found unlawed, shall give three shillings
for mercy, and for the future no man's ox shall be taken
for lawing. Such lawing also shall be done by the assize commonly
used, and which is, that three claws shall be cut off without
the ball of the right foot. See on this subject the Historical
Essay on the Magna Charta of King John, (a most beautiful
volume), by Richard Thomson.
NOTE TO CHAPTER II.
Note B.---Negro Slaves.
The severe accuracy of some critics has objected to the complexion
of the slaves of Brian de Bois-Guilbert, as being totally
out of costume and propriety. I remember the same objection
being made to a set of sable functionaries, whom my friend, Mat
Lewis, introduced as the guards and mischief-doing satellites of
the wicked Baron, in his Castle Spectre. Mat treated the objection
with great contempt, and averred in reply, that he made
the slaves black in order to obtain a striking effect of contrast,
and that, could he have derived a similar advantage from making
his heroine blue, blue she should have been.
I do not pretend to plead the immunities of my order so highly
as this; but neither will I allow that the author of a modern
antique romance is obliged to confine himself to the introduction
of those manners only which can be proved to have absolutely existed
in the times he is depicting, so that he restrain himself to
such as are plausible and natural, and contain no obvious anachronism.
In this point of view, what can be more natural, than
that the Templars, who, we know, copied closely the luxuries of
the Asiatic warriors with whom they fought, should use the
service of the enslaved Africans, whom the fate of war transferred
to new masters? I am sure, if there are no precise proofs
of their having done so, there is nothing, on the other hand,
that can entitle us positively to conclude that they never did.
Besides, there is an instance in romance.
John of Rampayne, an excellent juggler and minstrel, undertook
to effect the escape of one Audulf de Bracy, by presenting
himself in disguise at the court of the king, where he was confined.
For this purpose, ``he stained his hair and his whole
body entirely as black as jet, so that nothing was white but his
teeth,'' and succeeded in imposing himself on the king, as an
Ethiopian minstrel. He effected, by stratagem, the escape of
the prisoner. Negroes, therefore, must have been known in
England in the dark ages.*
[*] Dissertation on Romance and Minstrelsy, prefixed to Ritson's Ancient Metrical Romances, p. clxxxvii.
NOTE TO CHAPTER XVII.
Note, C.---Minstrelsy.
The realm of France, it is well known, was divided betwixt
the Norman and Teutonic race, who spoke the language in
which the word Yes is pronounced as oui, and the inhabitants
of the southern regions, whose speech bearing some affinity to
the Italian, pronounced the same word oc. The poets of the former
race were called Minstrels, and their poems Lays: those of
the latter were termed Troubadours, and their compositions
called sirventes, and other names. Richard, a professed admirer
of the joyous science in all its branches, could imitate either
the minstrel or troubadour. It is less likely that he should have
been able to compose or sing an English ballad; yet so much do
we wish to assimilate Him of the Lion Heart to the band of
warriors whom he led, that the anachronism, if there be one
may readily be forgiven.
NOTE TO CHAPTER XXI.
Note D.---Battle of Stamford.
A great topographical blunder occurred here in former editions.
The bloody battle alluded to in the text, fought and won
by King Harold, over his brother the rebellious Tosti, and an
auxiliary force of Danes or Norsemen, was said, in the text, and
a corresponding note, to have taken place at Stamford, in Leicestershire,
and upon the river Welland. This is a mistake, into
which the author has been led by trusting to his memory,
and so confounding two places of the same name. The Stamford,
Strangford, or Staneford, at which the battle really was
fought, is a ford upon the river Derwent, at the distance of
about seven miles from York, and situated in that large and
opulent county. A long wooden bridge over the Derwent, the
site of which, with one remaining buttress, is still shown to the
curious traveller, was furiously contested. One Norwegian
long defended it by his single arm, and was at length pierced
with a spear thrust through the planks of the bridge from a boat
beneath.
The neighbourhood of Stamford, on the Derwent, contains
some memorials of the battle. Horseshoes, swords, and the
heads of halberds, or bills, are often found there ; one place is
called the ``Danes' well,'' another the ``Battle flats.'' From a
tradition that the weapon with which the Norwegian champion
was slain, resembled a pear, or, as others say, that the
trough or boat in which the soldier floated under the bridge to
strike the blow, had such a shape, the country people usually
begin a great market, which is held at Stamford, with an
entertainment called the Pear-pie feast, which after all may be
a corruption of the Spear-pie feast. For more particulars,
Drake's History of York may be referred to. The author's mistake
was pointed out to him, in the most obliging manner, by
Robert Belt, Esq. of Bossal House. The battle was fought in
1066.
NOTE TO CHAPTER XXII.
Note E.---The range of iron bars above that glowing
charcoal.
This horrid species of torture may remind the reader of that
to which the Spaniards subjected Guatimozin, in order to extort
a discovery of his concealed wealth. But, in fact, an instance
of similar barbarity is to be found nearer home, and occurs
in the annals of Queen Mary's time, containing so many
other examples of atrocity. Every reader must recollect, that
after the fall of the Catholic Church, and the Presbyterian
Church Government had been established by law, the rank, and
especially the wealth, of the Bishops, Abbots, Priors, and so
forth, were no longer vested in ecclesiastics, but in lay impropriators
of the church revenues, or, as the Scottish lawyers called
them, titulars of the temporalities of the benefice, though
having no claim to the spiritual character of their predecessors
in office.
Of these laymen, who were thus invested with ecclesiastical
revenues, some were men of high birth and rank, like the famous
Lord James Stewart, the Prior of St Andrews, who did
not fail to keep for their own use the rents, lands, and revenues
of the church. But if, on the other hand, the titulars were men
of inferior importance, who had been inducted into the office
by the interest of some powerful person, it was generally understood
that the new Abbot should grant for his patron's benefit
such leases and conveyances of the church lands and tithes as
might afford their protector the lion's share of the booty. This
was the origin of those who were wittily termed Tulchan*
[*] A Tulchan is a calfs skin stuffed, and placed before a cow who has lost its calf, to induce the animal to part with her milk. The resemblance
between such a Tulchan and a Bishop named to transmit the temporalities of a benefice to some powerful patron, is easily understood.
Bishops, being a sort of imaginary prelate, whose image was set
up to enable his patron and principal to plunder the benefice
under his name.
There were other cases, however, in which men who had got
grants of these secularised benefices, were desirous of retaining
them for their own use, without having the influence sufficient
to establish their purpose ; and these became frequently unable
to protect themselves, however unwilling to submit to the exactions
of the feudal tyrant of the district.
Bannatyne, secretary to John Knox, recounts a singular
course of oppression practised on one of those titulars abbots, by
the Earl of Cassilis in Ayrshire, whose extent of feudal influence
was so wide that he was usually termed the King of Carrick.
We give the fact as it occurs in Bannatyne's Journal, only premising
that the Journalist held his master's opinions, both with
respect to the Earl of Cassilis as an opposer of the king's party,
and as being a detester of the practice of granting church revenues
to titulars, instead of their being devoted to pious uses,
such as the support of the clergy, expense of schools, and the relief
of the national poor. He mingles in the narrative, therefore,
a well deserved feeling of execration against the tyrant who employed
the torture, which a tone of ridicule towards the patient,
as if, after all, it had not been ill bestowed on such an equivocal
and amphibious character as a titular abbot. He entitles his
narrative,
The Earl Of Cassilis' Tyranny against a quick (i.e.
living) man.
``Master Allan Stewart, friend to Captain James Stewart of
Cardonall, by means of the Queen's corrupted court, obtained
the Abbey of Crossraguel. The said Earl thinking himself
greater than any king in those quarters, determined to have that
whole benefice (as he hath divers others) to pay at his pleasure ;
and because he could not find sic security as his insatiable appetite
required, this shift was devised. The said Mr Allan being
in company with the Laird of Bargany, (also a Kennedy,) was,
by the Earl and his friends, enticed to leave the safeguard which
he had with the Laird, and come to make good cheer with the
said Earl. The simplicity of the imprudent man was suddenly
abused; and so he passed his time with them certain days, which
he did in Maybole with Thomas Kennedie, uncle to the said Earl:
after which the said Mr Allan passed, with quiet company, to
visit the place and bounds of Crossraguel, [his abbacy,] of which
the said Earl being surely advertised, determined to put in practice
the tyranny which long before he had conceaved. And so,
as king of the country, apprehended the said Mr Allan, and
carried him to the house of Denure, where for a season he was
honourably treated, (gif a prisoner can think any entertainment
pleasing;) but after that certain days were spent, and that the
Earl could not obtain the feus of Crossraguel according to his
awin appetite, he determined to prove gif a collation could work
that which neither dinner nor supper could do for a long time.
And so tho said Mr Allan was carried to a secret chamber:
with him passed the honourable Earl, his worshipful brother,
and such as were appointed to be servants at that banquet. In
the chamber there was a grit iron chimlay, under it a fire;
other grit provision was not seen. The first course was,---`My
Lord Abbot,' (said the Earl,) `it will please you confess here,
that with your own consent you remain in my company, because
ye durst not commit yourself to the hands of others.' The
Abbot answered, `Would you, my lord, that I should make a
manifest lie for your pleasure ? The truth is, my lord, it is against
my will that I am here; neither yet have I any pleasure in your
company.' `But ye shall remain with me, nevertheless, at this
time,' said the Earl. `l am not able to resist your will and pleasure,'
said the Abbot, 'in this place.' `Ye must then obey me,'
said the Earl,---and with that were presented unto him certain
letters to subscribe, amongst which there was a five years' tack,
and a nineteen years' tack, and a charter of feu of all the lands
(of Crossraguel, with all the clauses necessary for the Earl to
haste him to hell. For gif adultery, sacrilege, oppression, barbarous
cruelty, and theft heaped upon theft, deserve hell, the
great King of Carrick can no more escape hell for ever, than
the imprudent Abbot escaped the fire for a season as follows.
``After that the Earl spied repugnance, and saw that he could
not come to his purpose by fair means, he commanded his cooks
to prepare the banquet: and so first they flayed the sheep, that
is, they took off the Abbot's cloathes even to his skin, and next
they bound him to the chimney---his legs to the one end, and his
arms to the other; and so they began to beet [i.e. feed] the fire
sometimes to his buttocks, sometimes to his legs, sometimes to
his shoulders and arms; and that the roast might not burn, but
that it might rest in soppe, they spared not flambing with oil,
(basting as a cook bastes roasted meat); Lord, look thou to sic
cruelty! And that the crying of the miserable man should not
be heard, they dosed his mouth that the voice might be stopped.
It may be suspected that some partisan of the King's [Darnley's]
murder was there. In that torment they held the poor man,
till that often he cried for God's sake to dispatch him; for
he had as meikle gold in his awin purse as would buy powder
enough to shorten his pain. The famous King of Carrick and
his cooks perceiving the roast to be aneuch, commanded it to be
tane fra the fire, and the Earl himself began the grace in this
manner:---`_Benedicite, Jesus Maria_, you are the most obstinate
man that ever I saw; gif I had known that ye had been
so stubborn, I would not for a thousand crowns have handled
you so; I never did so to man before you.' And yet he returned
to the same practice within two days, and ceased not till
that he obtained his formost purpose, that is, that he had got
all his pieces subscryvit alsweill as ane half-roasted hand could
do it. The Earl thinking himself sure enough so long as be
had the half-roasted Abbot in his awin keeping, and yet being
ashamed of his presence by reason of his former cruelty, left the
place of Denure in the hands of certain of his servants, and the
half-roasted Abbot to be kept there as prisoner. The Laird of
Bargany, out of whose company the said Abbot had been enticed,
understanding, (not the extremity,) but the retaining of the
man, sent to the court, and raised letters of deliverance of the
person of the man according to the order, which being disobeyed,
the said Earl for his contempt was denounced rebel, and
put to the horne. But yet hope was there none, neither to the
afflicted to be delivered, neither yet to the purchaser [i.e. procurer]
of the letters to obtain any comfort thereby ; for in that
time God was despised, and the lawful authority was contemned
in Scotland, in hope of the sudden return and regiment of that
cruel murderer of her awin husband, of whose lords the said
Earl was called one; and yet, oftener than once, he was solemnly
sworn to the King and to his Regent.''
The Journalist then recites the complaint of the injured
Allan Stewart, Commendator of Crossraguel, to the Regent
and Privy Council, averring his having been carried, partly by
flattery, partly by force, to the black vault of Denure, a strong
fortalice, built on a rock overhanging the Irish channel, where
to execute leases and conveyances of the whole churches and
parsonages belonging to the Abbey of Crossraguel, which he
utterly refused as an unreasonable demand, and the more so
that he had already conveyed them to John Stewart of Cardonah,
by whose interest he had been made Commendator. The
complainant proceeds to state, that he was, after many menaces,
stript, bound, and his limbs exposed to fire in the manner already
described, till, compelled by excess of agony, he subscribed the
charter and leases presented to him, of the contents of which he
was totally ignorant. A few days afterwards, being again required
to execute a ratification of these deeds before a notary and
witnesses, and refusing to do so, he was once more subjected to
the same torture, until his agony was so excessive that he exclaimed,
``Fye on you, why do you not strike your whingers into
me, or blow me up with a barrel of powder, rather than torture
me thus unmercifully?'' upon which the Earl commanded
Alexander Richard, one of his attendants, to stop the patient's
mouth with a napkin, which was done accordingly. Thus he
was once more compelled to submit to their tyranny. The petition
concluded with stating, that the Earl, under pretence of
the deeds thus iniquitously obtained, had taken possession of
the whole place and living of Crossraguel, and enjoyed the profits
thereof for three years.
The doom of the Regent and Council shows singularly the
total interruption of justice at this calamitous period, even in the
most clamant cases of oppression. The Council declined interference
with the course of the ordinary justice of the county,
(which was completely under the said Earl of Cassilis' control,)
and only enacted, that he should forbear molestation of
the unfortunate Comendator, under the surety of two thousand
pounds Scots. The Earl was appointed also to keep the
peace towards the celebrated George Buchanan, who had a pension
out of the same Abbacy, to a similar extent, and under the
like penalty.
The consequences are thus described by the Journalist already
quoted.
``The said Laird of Bargany perceiving that the ordiner
justice could neither help the oppressed, nor yet the afflicted,
applied his mind to the next remedy, and in the end, by his servants,
took the house of Denure, where the poor Abbot was
kept prisoner. The bruit flew fra Carrick to Galloway, and so
suddenly assembled herd and hyre-man that pertained to the
band of the Kennedies; and so within a few hours was the house
of Denure environed again. The master of Cassilis was the
frackast [i.e. the readiest or boldest) and would not stay, but
in his heat would lay fire to the dungeon, with no small boasting
that all enemies within the house should die.
``He was required and admonished by those that were within
to be more moderate, and not to hazard himself so foolishly. But
no admonition would help, till that the wind of an hacquebute
blasted his shoulder, and then ceased he from further pursuit
in fury. The Laird of Bargany had before purchest [obtained]
of the authorities, letters, charging all faithfull subjects to the
King's Majesty, to assist him against that cruel tyrant and
mansworn traitor, the Earl of Cassilis; which letters, with his
private writings, he published, and shortly found sic concurrence
of Kyle and Cunyngbame with his other friends, that
the Carrick company drew back fra the house: and so the other
approached, furnished the house with more men, delivered the
said Mr Allan, and carried him to Ayr, where, publicly at the
market cross of the said town, he declared how cruelly he was
entreated, and how the murdered King suffered not sic torment
as he did, excepting only he escaped the death: and, therefore,
publickly did revoke all things that were done in that extremity,
and especially he revoked the subscription of the three writings,
to wit, of a fyve yeir tack and nineteen year tack, and of a
charter of feu. And so the house remained, and remains (till
this day, the 7th of February, 1571,) in the custody of the said
Laird of Bargany and of his servants. And so cruelty was disappointed
of proffeit present, and shall be eternallie punished, unless
he earnestly repent. And this far for the cruelty committed,
to give occasion unto others, and to such as hate the monstrous
dealing of degenerate nobility, to look more diligently upon their
behaviuours, and to paint them forth unto the world, that they
themselves may be ashamed of their own beastliness, and that
the world may be advertised and admonished to abhor, detest,
and avoid the company of all sic tyrants, who are not worthy of
the society of men, but ought to be sent suddenly to the devil,
with whom they must burn without end, for their contempt of
God, and cruelty committed against his creatures. Let Cassilis
and his brother be the first to be the example unto others.
Amen. Amen.''*
[*] Bannatyne's Journal.
This extract has been somewhat amended or modernized in
orthography, to render it more intelligible to the general reader.
I have to add, that the Kennedies of Bargany, who interfered
in behalf of the oppressed Abbot, were themselves a younger
branch of the Cassilis family, but held different politics, and
were powerful enough in this, and other instances, to bid them
defiance.
The ultimate issue of this affair does not appear; but as the
house of Cassilis are still in possession of the greater part of the
feus and leases which belonged to Crossraguel Abbey, it is
probable the talons of the King of Carrick were strong enough,
in those disorderly times, to retain the prey which they had so
mercilessly fixed upon.
I may also add, that it appears by some papers in my possession,
that the officers or Country Keepers on the border, were
accustomed to torment their prisoners by binding them to the
iron bars of their chimneys, to extort confession.
NOTE TO CHAPTER XXXI
Note F.---Ulrica's Death song.
It will readily occur to the antiquary, that these verses are
intended to imitate the antique poetry of the Scalds---the minstrels
of the old Scandinavians---the race, as the Laureate so happily
terms them,
``Stern to inflict, and stubborn to endure,
Who smiled in death.''
The poetry of the Anglo-Saxons, after their civilisation and
conversion, was of a different and softer character; but in the
circumstances of Ulrica, she may be not unnaturally supposed
to return to the wild strains which animated her forefathers
during the time of Paganism and untamed ferocity.
NOTE TO CHAPTER XXXII
Note G.---Richard C<oe>ur-de-Lion.
The interchange of a cuff with the jolly priest is not entirely
out of character with Richard I., if romances read him aright.
In the very curious romance on the subject of his adventures
in the Holy Land, and his return from thence, it is recorded
how he exchanged a pugilistic favour of this nature, while a
prisoner in Germany. His opponent was the son of his principal
warder, and was so imprudent as to give the challenge to
this barter of buffets. The King stood forth like a true man,
and received a blow which staggered him. In requital, having
previously waxed his hand, a practice unknown, I believe, to
the gentlemen of the modern fancy, he returned the box on the
ear with such interest as to kill his antagonist on the spot.---_See,
in Ellis's Specimens of English Romance, that of C<oe>ur-de-Lion_.
NOTE TO CHAPTER XXXIII
Note H.---Hedge-Priests.
It is curious to observe, that in every state of society, some
sort of ghostly consolation is provided for the members of the
community, though assembled for purposes diametrically opposite
to religion. A gang of beggars have their Patrico, and
the banditti of the Apennines have among them persons acting
as monks and priests, by whom they are confessed, and who
perform mass before them. Unquestionably, such reverend
persons, in such a society, must accommodate their manners
and their morals to the community in which they live; and if
they can occasionally obtain a degree of reverence for their supposed
spiritual gifts, are, on most occasions, loaded with unmerciful
ridicule, as possessing a character inconsistent with all
around them.
Hence the fighting parson in the old play of Sir John Oldcastle,
and the famous friar of Robin Hood's band. Nor were
such characters ideal. There exists a monition of the Bishop
of Durham against irregular churchmen of this class, who associated
themselves with Border robbers, and desecrated the
holiest offices of the priestly function, by celebrating them for
the benefit of thieves, robbers, and murderers, amongst ruins
and in caverns of the earth, without regard to canonical form,
and with torn and dirty attire, and maimed rites, altogether
improper for the occasion.
NOTE TO CHAPTER XLI.
Note I.---Castle of Coningsburgh.
When I last saw this interesting ruin of ancient days, one
of the very few remaining examples of Saxon fortification, I
was strongly impressed with the desire of tracing out a sort of
theory on the subject, which, from some recent acquaintance
with the architecture of the ancient Scandinavians, seemed to
me peculiarly interesting. I was, however, obliged by circumstances
to proceed on my journey, without leisure to take more
than a transient view of Coningsburgh. Yet the idea dwells so
strongly in my mind, that I feel considerably tempted to write
a page or two in detailing at least the outline of my hypothesis,
leaving better antiquaries to correct or refute conclusions
which are perhaps too hastily drawn.
Those who have visited the Zetland Islands, are familiar with
the description of castles called by the inhabitants Burghs; and by
the Highlanders---for they are also to be found both in the Western
Isles and on the mainland---Duns. Pennant has engraved
a view of the famous Dun-Dornadilla in Glenelg; and there are
many others, all of them built after a peculiar mode of architecture,
which argues a people in the most primitive state of society.
The most perfect specimen is that upon the island of Mousa,
near to the mainland of Zetland, which is probably in the
same state as when inhabited.
It is a single round tower, the wall curving in slightly, and
then turning outward again in the form of a dice-box, so that
the defenders on the top might the better protect the base.
It is formed of rough stones, selected with care, and laid in
courses or circles, with much compactness, but without cement
of any kind. The tower has never, to appearance, had roofing
of any sort; a fire was made in the centre of the space which
it encloses, and originally the building was probably little more
than a wall drawn as a sort of screen around the great council
fire of the tribe. But, although the means or ingenuity of
the builders did not extend so far as to provide a roof, they supplied
the want by constructing apartments in the interior of
the walls of the tower itself. The circumvallation formed a
double enclosure, the inner side of which was, in fact, two feet
or three feet distant from the other, and connected by a concentric
range of long flat stones, thus forming a series of concentric
rings or stories of various heights, rising to the top of the tower.
Each of these stories or galleries has four windows, facing
directly to the points of the compass, and rising of course regularly
above each other. These four perpendicular ranges of windows
admitted air, and, the fire being kindled, heat, or smoke at
least, to each of the galleries. The access from gallery to gallery
is equally primitive. A path, on the principle of an inclined
plane, turns round and round the building like a screw, and gives
access to the different stories, intersecting each of them in its
turn, and thus gradually rising to the top of the wall of the
tower. On the outside there are no windows ; and I may add,
that an enclosure of a square, or sometimes a round form, gave
the inhabitants of the Burgh an opportunity to secure any
sheep or cattle which they might possess.
Such is the general architecture of that very early period
when the Northmen swept the seas, and brought to their
rude houses, such as I have described them, the plunder of
polished nations. In Zetland there are several scores of these
Burghs, occupying in every case, capes, headlands, islets, and similar
places of advantage singularly well chosen. I remember
the remains of one upon an island in a small lake near Lerwick,
which at high tide communicates with the sea, the access to
which is very ingenious, by means of a causeway or dike,
about three or four inches under the surface of the water. This
causeway makes a sharp angle in its approach to the Burgh.
The inhabitants, doubtless, were well acquainted with this, but
strangers, who might approach in a hostile manner, and were
ignorant of the curve of the causeway, would probably plunge
into the lake, which is six or seven feet in depth at the least.
This must have been the device of some Vauban or Cohorn of
those early times.
The style of these buildings evinces that the architect possessed
neither the art of using lime or cement of any kind, nor
the skill to throw an arch, construct a roof, or erect a stair ;
and yet, with all this ignorance, showed great ingenuity in selecting
the situation of Burghs, and regulating the access to
them, as well as neatness and regularity in the erection, since
the buildings themselves show a style of advance in the arts
scarcely consistent with the ignorance of so many of the principal
branches of architectural knowledge.
I have always thought, that one of the most curious and valuable
objects of antiquaries has been to trace the progress of
society, by the efforts made in early ages to improve the rudeness
of their first expedients, until they either approach excellence,
or, as is more frequently the case, are supplied by new and
fundamental discoveries, which supersede both the earlier and
ruder system, and the improvements which have been ingrafted
upon it. For example, if we conceive the recent discovery
of gas to be so much improved and adapted to domestic use, as
to supersede all other modes of producing domestic light; we
can already suppose, some centuries afterwards, the heads of a
whole Society of Antiquaries half turned by the discovery of a
pair of patent snuffers, and by the learned theories which would
be brought forward to account for the form and purpose of so
singular an implement.
Following some such principle, I am inclined to regard the
singular Castle of Coningsburgh---I mean the Saxon part of it---
as a step in advance from the rude architecture, if it deserves
the name, which must have been common to the Saxons as to
other Northmen. The builders had attained the art of using
cement, and of roofing a building,---great improvements on the
original Burgh. But in the round keep, a shape only seen in
the most ancient castles---the chambers excavated in the thickness
of the walls and buttresses---the difficulty by which access
is gained from one story to those above it, Coningsburgh still
retains the simplicity of its origin, and shows by what slow
degrees man proceeded from occupying such rude and inconvenient
lodgings, as were afforded by the galleries of the Castle
of Mousa, to the more splendid accommodations of the Norman
castles, with all their stern and Gothic graces.
I am ignorant if these remarks are new, or if they will be
confirmed by closer examination ; but I think, that, on a hasty
observation, Coningsburgh offers means of curious study to
those who may wish to trace the history of architecture back
to the times preceding the Norman Conquest.
It would be highly desirable that a cork model should be
taken of the Castle of Mousa, as it cannot be well understood by
a plan.
The Castle of Coningsburgh is thus described:---
``The castle is large, the outer walls standing on a pleasant
ascent from the river, but much overtopt by a high hill, on
which the town stands, situated at the head of a rich and magnificent
vale, formed by an amphitheatre of woody hills, in
which flows the gentle Don. Near the castle is a barrow, said
to be Hengist's tomb. The entrance is flanked to the left by a
round tower, with a sloping base, and there are several similar
in the outer wall the entrance has piers of a gate, and on the
east side the ditch and bank are double and very steep. On the
top of the churchyard wall is a tombstone, on which are cut in
high relief, two ravens, or such-like birds. On the south side of
the churchyard lies an ancient stone, ridged like a coffin, on
which is carved a man on horseback; and another man with a
shield encountering a vast winged serpent, and a man bearing a
shield behind him. It was probably one of the rude crosses not
uncommon in churchyards in this county. See it engraved on
the plate of crosses for this volume, plate 14. fig. 1. The name
of Coningsburgh, by which this castle goes in the old editions
of the Britannia, would lead one to suppose it the residence of
the Saxon kings. It afterwards belonged to King Harold. The
Conqueror bestowed it on William de Warren, with all its privileges
and jurisdiction, which are said to have extended over twenty-eight
towns. At the corner of the area, which is of an irregular
form, stands the great tower, or keep, placed on a small
hill of its own dimensions, on which lies six vast projecting buttresses,
ascending in a steep direction to prop and support the
building, and continued upwards up the side as turrets. The
tower within forms a complete circle, twenty-one feet in diameter,
the walls fourteen feet thick. The ascent into the tower
is by an exceeding deep flight of steep steps, four feet and a half
wide, on the south side leading to a low doorway, over which is
a circular arch crossed by a great transom stone. Within this
door is the staircase which ascends straight through the thickness
of the wall, not communicating with the room on the first
floor, in whose centre is the opening to the dungeon. Neither
of these lower rooms is lighted except from a hole in the floor of
the third story; the room in which, as well as in that above it,
is finished with compact smooth stonework, both having chimney-pieces,
with an arch resting on triple clustered pillars. In
the third story, or guard-chamber, is a small recess with a loop-hole,
probably a bedchamber, and in that floor above a niche for
a saint or holy-water pot. Mr King imagines this a Saxon
castle of the first ages of the Heptarchy. Mr Watson thus
describes it. From the first floor to the second story, (third
from the ground,) is a way by a stair in the wall five feet wide.
The next staircase is approached by a ladder, and ends at the
fourth story from the ground. Two yards from the door, at
the head of this stair, is an opening nearly east, accessible by
treading on the ledge of the wall, which diminishes eight inches
each story ; and this last opening leads into a room or chapel
ten feet by twelve, and fifteen or sixteen high, arched with free-stone,
and supported by small circular columns of the same, the
capitals and arches Saxon. It has an east window, and on each
side in the wall, about four feet from the ground, a stone basin
with a hole and iron pipe to convey the water into or through
the wall. This chapel is one of the buttresses, but no sign of it
without, for even the window, though large within, is only a
long narrow loop-hole, scarcely to be seen without. On the left
side of this chapel is a small oratory, eight by six in the thickness
of the wall, with a niche in the wall, and enlightened by a
like loop-hole. The fourth stair from the ground, ten feet west
from the chapel door, leads to the top of the tower through the
thickness of the wall, which at top is but three yards. Each
story is about fifteen feet high, so that the tower will be seventy-five
feet from the ground. The inside forms a circle, whose
diameter may be about twelve feet. The well at the bottom of
the dungeon is piled with stones.''---Gough's Edition Of Camden's
Britannia. Second Edition, vol. iii. p. 267.

Prev
| Next
| Contents
|